The Diversity of the Viet Cong

The nearly half million men and women who make up the civil and military components of the Viet Cong army and its shadow government, the National Front, are as diverse and divergent in origin and in motivation as those of any army and government anywhere. Perhaps the most important thing that sets them apart from their fellow Vietnamese is the way in which they are incessantly told, and caused to repeat, the reasons for everything they do, including supporting the Viet Cong. The best illustrations of their diversity, and their common knowledge, is found in some of their own statements.

Consider the story of Captain Lam. One of the real "hard core," the backbone of the movement, he took advantage of the Government's Chieu Hoi program which welcomes the return to loyalty of those misled by the Communists;

I left my village in Central Vietnam in 1947, when I was eighteen years old, to join the Viet Minh. Two years later, because they said that all leaders in the struggle against the French should, I joined the Communist Party. As its Political Officer, I went North with my company in 1954, after the division of the country.

In 1960, I was promoted to Senior Captain, and ordered to go to help liberate the South. After nearly six months traveling I reached my destination and became at first a political member of the Province Committee and later a District Commissar [Secretary of the District Committee]. We were very successful in organizing and expanding the Viet Cong, but after two years, and the change in governments, I began to see the real difference between the way the people live in the North and the way they would live in the South if it were not for this war. I lost my faith in the Communist claim that we were fighting for the people, and decided that the only right thing was to join the forces of the Republic of Vietnam, so I did.

By way of contrast, consider the words of Sergeant Vo Anh Long, a 31-year-old squad leader in a main force battalion;

I was a farmer until May 1960. The Government controlled my village, but the Viet Cong used to come at night and collect taxes. They would tell us, and we believed them, that they were good men who loved and wanted to defend the poor people like us, that they struggled and sacrificed even their lives to give rights to the poor people.

Finally they told me, and five other young men, that if we stayed in the village the Government would take us away for the army, but that if we came with them for a week of training we could become local guerrillas and defend our village. We went with them, but then they told me that because of my ability I must go to a long training course. We marched for months to reach the training camp, where I studied for six months and then was graduated as a squad leader.

I soon realized that the life of a Viet Cong was hard, but the cadre kept emphasizing that we were living gloriously, that we must be prepared to die splendidly. Although I knew that I had been fooled, I accepted this. We studied and had self-criticism sessions almost every day. Each of us belonged to a three-man cell, so that every man was watched by two others.

I stayed with them for four years, fighting in many battles. Eventually I could no longer stand being away from my family, and so I ran away and joined the Government side.

A few more statements further illustrate the diversity;

My uncle told me that I must join the district force, because otherwise the Viet Cong might burn down my mother's house.

I was farming in the North, but last year when I was 20 the PAVN [People's Army of (North) Vietnam] drafted me, gave me six weeks' training, asked my group if it would not help to liberate the South, and marched us down here. Now I am in a transportation unit and have to carry 32 kilos of rice for 12 miles every day. I want to go home.

I did not want to become a soldier but the Viet Cong came and took me. Then I was ashamed to desert, because it would disgrace my comrades in the cell. But I used to get drunk and sleep too late, and after I was criticized several times and did not reform I was banished from my unit.

I am from North Vietnam. I was an officer of the PAVN. I was ordered to come to the South, so of course I came.

I was a village guerrilla. The Viet Cong hamlet chief told me I must watch for the Government troops. One night the district force came and attacked the Government outpost. I had to help them. After the battle they gave me a gun, and said that now I must fight to save my life. When a RVNAF company came I tried to hide but they found me.

Viet Cong Discipline

Scholar or street urchin, professional officer or farm boy, they all tell the same story of relentless indoctrination, of discipline playing on every human emotion, constantly applied. The soldier is required to memorize basic codes of conduct (a 10-point oath of honor and a 12-point code of discipline) which put him in the position of a hero, a patriot, a friend, and protector of the people. He is never allowed to forget this role. Perhaps the most effective reminder is his unit's daily indoctrination and self-criticism session. In this, his indoctrination is continued and reinforced, his supposed motives are reviewed and discussed by the group, and he is told by his leader what his future actions will be. After this, he must explain his reactions, and he must publicly confess and criticize his own shortcomings and weaknesses in thought and deed.

After every fight there is an almost immediate critique, with no holds barred, which gives every man a chance to let off steam. It also lets the cadre know what his men are thinking. This contributes to the effectiveness of the constant surveillance program, maintained primarily through the cell system (usually three-man) which is applied to every possible unit. Appeals to the mind and the heart are the principal way in which the Viet Cong seeks to control its members.

Regular units employ standard forms of military courtesy, and strict obedience is always expected, but emphasis is placed on making compliance with regulations appear to be voluntary. For those who fail in their duty, if such normal punishments as public criticism extra duty, and brief confinement do not bring reform, the penalty is often discharge, in terms that make the man feel a traitor and an outcast from the human race. The fear of corporal punishment or death seems to be of less importance although either may be visited on the individual or his relatives.

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